From The Andes to the Himalayas: Revolution Mired
Let's not just shout the cliché slogans like “We will make Nepal like Switzerland” when we can actually think like the Swiss and behave like the Swiss by directly taking part in the collective decision making process.
By Laba Karki
The politicians of Nepal should take lessons from the Bolivian revolution and experience in their Constitution Assembly process, which apparently since day one has been stymied and plagued by political battles, disorganization, disinterest, and deadlock. Evo Morales, the leftist "Robin Hood" of Bolivia and indigenous leader of the Movimiento al Socialismo-MAS party, who is heavily influenced by comrade Che Guevara’s revolutionary socialist ideology, set out initially to "refound" Bolivia and redistribute the wealth and rights to natural resources. However, lately he is thwarted by the rightwing opposition members who have boycotted the elected constitution assembly ensuing in violent riots in Sucre and La Paz- the disputed “capital” cities of Bolivia.
The stalled revolution and the mired constitution assembly process in the Andean nation is a prelude to the similar turmoil, power struggle, and civil unrest that will unfold and escalate in the Himalayan kingdom of Nepal in the upcoming months. Given the same landlocked geo-political situation as Bolivia with unequal distribution of natural resources between the Terai and the Pahadi regions, and the similar ethnic and indigenous social factions, political divides, and above all, the misguided opportunistic party leaders, Nepal cannot but fall prey to the sordid conflict that is bogging down the Bolivian revolution. Election deadlines have come and gone thrice in Nepal. Political slogans and propaganda constantly fill the airwaves. And yet, there is no consensus among the seven party alliances (SPA) to commit to a date for the constitution assembly polls.
This current deadlock is due mainly to the Maoist filibustering in the interim legislature and government. It is ironic that the Maoists are dragging their feet to the election polls because they loudly and unconditionally called for the constitution assembly polls before signing the peace treaty. But, as a result of their continuing strong-arm tactics, the split in their party unity, and the ensuing bloody unrest in the Terai region, their popularity has plummeted.
Countless more lives are at stake if the status quo goes unresolved and the Maoists resort to armed rebellion from the Kathmandu valley in their haste and desperation to achieve their goal of declaring Nepal a "republic” and paving the path to “red communism”. |
Realizing that it is unrealistic to sweep the polls, the Maoists are instead demanding that the interim legislature declare Nepal a "republic" prior to the constituent assembly polls in a calculated move to impose radical socialism from within the interim legislature, where the Maoists control a sizeable 84 seats in the 330-member legislature. And, with its sister moderate Communist Party of Nepal (UML) controlling 83 seats, the leftist parties represent a majority but shy of the 2/3rd supermajority required to swing the pending motion at the Parliament floor for declaring a republic. Although Prime Minister GP Koirala has played his cards adroitly to maintain the unity of the fragile eight party alliances, he faces rising opposition from other leftist leaders who covet his cushy position as prime minister, head of the army, and head of state-a royal flush.
All this play and tactics in the government comes as no surprise to the Nepalese people who are already fatigued and jaded. What was hailed as the "rhododendron" revolution in April 2006, is turning into an oligarchic style of rule by the SPA leaders with undemocratic and authoritarian tendencies who apparently do not wish their legitimacy to be contested in a free and fair election. Like Evo Morales of Bolivia, or for that matter Fidel Castro of Cuba, and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, they want absolute power and high status for life.
Just as in the 1990s multi-party democracy in Nepal, state power is still concentrated at the centre exclusively in the hands of a few politicians and their cronies of course, and does not flow downwards to the people. This is the same mistake that led to the rise of the Maoist insurgency that cost Nepal more than 13,000 innocent lives of our brothers and sisters. Countless more lives are at stake if the status quo goes unresolved and the Maoists resort to armed rebellion from the Kathmandu valley in their haste and desperation to achieve their goal of declaring Nepal a "republic” and paving the path to “red communism”.
However, declaring a "republic" or a "secular state" as was declared last year from within the interim legislature is counter to the fundamental principles of democracy- which at the very least entails people to exercise their fundamental voting rights. It should be noted that democracy and monarchy are not mutually exclusive and it did coexist peacefully in Nepal and does coexist in various civilized and developed nations in the world. Some Nepalese even opine nostalgically that the Panchayat days of peace, stability, law and order, and fervent nationalism were far better. Thus, Nepal could find a breakthrough to this current crisis if the King and the parties reconcile at some level without resorting to foreign counsel and advice.
Regarding the issues of national importance such as turning a nation into a republic, the people must ultimately decide this in a national referendum. In Bolivia, for example, President Evo Morales has at least promised that the final draft constitution will be decided by the Bolivars to confer downstream legitimacy by the people in a national referendum. In the case of Nepal, however, given such disorganization, distrust, conspiracies, and ignorance about the constitution assembly, the best pragmatic solution is to conduct a national referendum concurrently with the constitution assembly polls.
Accordingly, if at all the constitution assembly polls are held, it should comprise two ballots. The first ballot should elect the "representatives" to the constituent assembly who will also become the new legislative body after the conclusion of the assembly. The second ballot should be for "direct vote", i.e., a referendum as to whether Nepal should remain a kingdom or a republic including whether Nepal should remain a "Hindu nation" or turn into a "secular state". This latter voting process represents "direct democracy" as practiced in Switzerland including some parts of New England in the United States and elsewhere. Let's not just shout the cliché slogans like “We will make Nepal like Switzerland” when we can actually think like the Swiss and behave like the Swiss by directly taking part in the collective decision making process.
In conclusion, Nepalese are born free and are sovereign people and they need not be in chains in deciding which future they want in a national referendum.
(Laba Karki, Ph.D., J.D. is a practicing attorney at an international law firm in Washington, DC, USA and can be reached at lkarki@law.gwu.edu)
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