Understanding the Madeshi Movement for Inclusive Nation Building
Those who make sweeping remarks such as Madhesi movements being the act of criminals or that it it’s a planned attempt by the ‘regressive forces’ including the monarchy, Hindu fundamentalists and (phantom) imperialist forces to disrupt the CA election and thus prevent the eventual takeover by the Maoists display how much (dis)respect they have for Madhesi leaders and their lack of sympathy for the grievances of the people living in that part of the country.
By B. Sijapati
The year-long continuous political crisis in the Terai-Madhes region has gathered further momentum after the indefinite general strike called by the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF). Available information indicates that the entire Terai-Madhes region is in flames with an adverse effect to the already crippled social, economic and political situation of this nation. This crisis is most likely to hamper the Constituent Assembly (CA) election and, if there is not immediate solution, it may even force the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) government once again to postpone the election. However, none of the members of the ruling alliance is prepared to face the consequences of postponing the election again.
Last week’s developments that witnessed government’s desire to be more inclusive by announcing commitments for a reasonable proportional representation in governance, creation of a credible negotiation team by replacing one-man team consisting of the Minister of Peace and Reconstruction, and the meeting held between the Prime Minister and the UDMF leaders gave some room for hope. However, within less than 24 hours of his meeting with the agitating leaders the Prime Minister declared he was not willing to negotiate on the two key demands of the UDMF, i.e., right to self-determination and the formation of Terai-Madhes as one autonomous region. Thus, by preempting issues for any negotiated settlement, he has once again pushed the country back to square one.
The root cause of this state of affairs can be found in the attitude of the ruling elite who consider themselves to be more Nepali than their Madhesi brethren. These chauvinist elements always questioned the integrity and national identity of Madhesi leaders. The statements made by the so-called established leaders, including the prime ministers-in-waiting Madhav Kumar Nepal and Sher Bahadur Deuba, show their lack of respect for the people in the Terai and a genuine appreciation of their grievances. Recently, the prime minister declared that he could solve the crisis in ten minutes if he got necessary cooperation from the India, implying that he does not see any use of negotiation with the Terai-Madhes leaders. More recently, he did not even hesitate to declare that the “Terai demands that affect national unity won’t be met”. Such insensitive remarks reinforce his doubts over the loyalty of the Madhesi leaders towards Nepal. Those who make sweeping remarks such as Madhesi movements being the act of criminals or that it’s a planned attempt by the ‘regressive forces’ including the monarchy, Hindu fundamentalists and (phantom) imperialist forces to disrupt the CA election and thus prevent the eventual takeover by the Maoists display how much (dis)respect they have for Madhesi leaders and their lack of sympathy for the grievances of the people living in that part of the country.
On their part, the established Madhesi leaders grossly underestimated the significance of the spontaneous civil unrest across the entire Terai-Madhes for almost a year. Only recently did they seem to have realised how they were being by passed by the change of events in the region. The vacuum created by the depleting political hold of the established leaders nonetheless, it was gradually being filled by armed extremist groups. The recently launched UDMF movement has thus two main objectives: (a) strong desire to bring about greater say in the governance process (by establishing a separate identity); and (b) to regain the lost political ground, i.e., political survival. The second is the main reason behind the willingness of so many well-established leaders to sacrifice their positions, power and privileges. In order to achieve these goals they are replicating techniques adopted by the Maoists. The Maoists so far succeeded by flexing their muscles. The UDMF decided to join the bandwagon and provided impetus to the on going agitation by launching a fresh movement of civil strife.
It is apparent that the top brass of the SPA continues to suffer from the chauvinistic complexes and is underestimating the extent and magnitude of the issues involved. Responsible leaders are once again assuring us that the government will conduct the CA election by hook or by crook, implying possible deployment of the armed forces. They are also citing example of elections being held in the Indian states of Kashmir and Punjab under similar security situation. It is true that pro forma elections can be organised in any conflict situation. The SPA leaders overlook the fact that the proposed election is not for governance but to write a new constitution.
Those who are advocating for the election to go ahead irrespective of the political situation are the ones who know they do not stand a chance if a fair election is held. It is, therefore, understandable why they prefer the CA election to be conducted in a hurry. However, if the SPA government wishes to honor the wishes of common people it has no choice but to explore all avenues possible to find a solution within a day or two.
It is high time for both the SPA government and the agitating UDMF to defuse the situation since both have a lot to lose if the existing unsettled situation continues. But this requires commitment on the part of the establishment to prove it-self as a reliable and credible partner. The situation also calls for the UDMF to be more flexible. Traditional wisdom suggests that should both the government and the UDMF do not succeed in resolving the issues at the negotiation table, sooner than later both are going to end up being the losers.
If the SPA government does not succeed in holding the CA election it will lose what ever credibility it has. This will also end the relevance of its existence. Postponing CA election may pave the way for another cycle of violent confrontation. For the UDMF, there is a danger that the leaders will be systematically marginalised by militant groups. If the government were to allow this to happen, it will have to confront the armed separatist groups in the Madhes. The result will be more bloodshed, increased sufferings and the inevitable disintegration of the nation. The looming catastrophe can only be avoided if both parties show their desire and commitment to embark on the journey to create a more inclusive nation-state.
(The writer can be reached at binsija@gmail.com)
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