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Guest Column
Living with Contradictions

Keshab PoudelBy KESHAB POUDEL

Its posture is still that of a radical revolutionary party of proletariat but Communist Part of Nepal Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) nominated leading industrialist Binod Kumar Chaudhary and another businessman Niranjan Tibdewala as its candidate (under PR list) for the coming CA polls.

According to preamble of CPN-UML, the party is a political representative institution of the Nepalese proletariat and working class, Marxism-Leninism is the guiding principle of this party and its maximum goal is socialism and communism. However, it is strange to see the party, which vows to eliminate capitalist, feudal and reactionaries, is moving ahead under the banner carried by two capitalists Chaudhary and Tibdewala.

With an aim to establish state for proletariat and peasant through armed revolution, the predecessors of CPN-UML the CPN-ML and Coordination Committee of Jhapa was set up in 1971. Based on the ideology of peasant armed revolution to achieve Naulo Janbad (New People’s Democracy), the party practiced the radical Maoist path like the present CPN-Maoist killing a number of innocent people in eastern city Jhapa for the 'cause of revolution.'

According to the preamble of CPN-ML, one cannot achieve the right of proletariat and peasant through peaceful means. The party believes that only through the armed struggle can it capture of state power through revolution. The long term People’s War is the only way to encourage people for armed uprising, it believed then.

As CPN-UML’s ideology is yet to transform, nobody knows what inspired top industrialist Chaudhary to carry the banner of CPN-UML. “Political parties need good managerial skill. I accepted the offer of CPN-UML hoping that I can contribute in the management side of the party,” said Chaudhary in his interview to Kantipur Television.

Although this is very unusual, one can see plenty of such contradictions in Nepali politics where politicians are living with contradictions.

CPN-UML’s case is not new. Similarly, a retired general of Royal Nepal Army Kumar Fudung, and a retired Major Indrajeet Rai are nominated as candidates for CA by the CPN-Maoist. Likewise, former zonal commissioners and royalists Jonden Ukyab and Surya Bahadur Sen Oli have also joined the Maoists.

The CPN Maoist –which waged war claiming itself as a party of peasant and proletariat. Preamble of CPN-Maoist says that only through the armed struggle, the true liberation of the people is possible and the feudal, reactionary force which is backed by Royal Nepal Army is the real enemy of people.

However, CPN-Maoist has nominated the former reactionaries and the commanders of their number one enemy as front runners for the revolution. Nobody knows how such non-ideological alliance is possible.

“CPN-Maoist wants to have alliance with nationalist monarchists to liberate the country from expansionist foreign elements,” thundered Maoist leader Prachanda justifying the inclusion of the persons who had affiliation with previous system.

CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist have been talking about the party’s ideology and have shown loyalty towards leaders like Lenin, Stalin and Mao whose mother countries themselves have already abandoned their ideologies.

The Maoists declared that their aim is to defeat reactionary, feudalist and royalist through the violent revolution. They justified their rebellion and killing of more than 15000 innocent people as a struggle to liberate the proletariat. “It is the duty of revolutionary to physically eliminate collaborators of reactionaries, feudalist and royalist,” said their document.

Similar contradictions are there in leading Madhesi leaders like Mahanta Thakur, Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar and Jaya Prakash Ananda Gupta. For Thakur, Gachhedar and Gupta, Nepali Congress played important role in their personality building and political formation.

At a time when they left the party, these kinds of ideological association mattered the least. "We have contributed a lot to strengthen the party but now the time has come to defend the rights of Madhes and Madhesi,” said former general secretary of Nepali Congress Gachhedar.

In fact, they were not emotionally attached with the Congress. Had that been so they would not have so abruptly dissociated with and confronted their own leader Girija Prasad Koirala who was till some time back eulogized as Helmsman of the democracy.

Contradictions within NC

Nepali Congress has glorious history as it was consistent throughout its history standing for constitutional monarchy. Nepali Congress waged armed struggle three times in its history in 1951, 1961 and 1971 but all the time it was never deviated from its ideology of constitutional monarchy.

Although it had such a long experience and consistent ideology behind it, Nepali Congress joined hands with radical Maoists baptizing itself into anti-monarchist force recently. It forced other parties to change track.

One may ask the question: What was its point of departure? As recorded in his book, Simple Conviction: My Struggle for Peace and Democracy published in 2007 Girija Prasad Koirala has revealed that he was determined to abolish monarchy soon after the decision of King Gyanendra to dissolve the House of Representatives in May, 2002.

“I concluded that monarchy was to end with the dissolution of parliament. Monarchy seemed to be at its deathbed, owing to King Gyanendra’s folly.” (See Simple Conviction Page 73).

However, compelled by prevailing circumstances, Koirala reached into an understanding with the King to bring the changes in 2006, April. He took oath of office as a prime minister by the King in the Royal Palace. But soon after that Koirala changed his stand and turned his back to the King within few weeks.

After becoming prime minister Koirala, he led the parliament in a declaration which could be regarded as the breach of trust with the King. The proclamation was completely against the agreement of April 25 that led to royal proclamation by which a dissolved parliament was restored.

That was not the end of drama. The same house, restored by the Royal Proclamation promulgated an interim constitution, which already has seen its three subsequent amendments with drastic implications including declaring Nepal as a republic.

Unlike the previous constitution which had consensus support of all the people expressed through three subsequent parliamentary elections, the present interim constitution is interim in all sense having no consensus except compulsions and coercions.

The people have a compulsion to survive in adverse situation. The country has enough problems of poverty, illiteracy, growing unemployment in rural as well as urban areas, which are producing their harmful side effects.

“A country having so much goodwill and fame for tolerant and law abiding character is now coming out every day with event of crimes including robberies, extortions and abductions. There can be a long list of illustrations of such unpleasant situation in the country mostly due to enlarged specter of instability. Such instability has many facets – some internal and some external too,” said a political analyst.

“Politicians, too, have their private as well as public feelings and postures. In private, they have the same feeling like others. Each politician expresses anguish and frustration to his confidantes. But whenever they come out to their organized postures in public, they make politics inconsistent and ridiculously insensitive,” observed the analyst.

“We will capture the power at any cost. We will not bow down to any force," said Maoist leader Prachanda. They speak such heavy rhetoric and ideals but the next day, they enter into fishy deals with persons with contrasting characters and leaning.

Nepali politicians have shown that they are quite compromising, elastic, resilient and reconciliatory than any political leaders of South Asia. None of the South Asian countries can get politicians of so heterogeneous characters colliding as well as compromising with each other.

The ruling alliance parties have anti-monarchical posture but in the words of a monarchist democrat Rabindranath Sharma, a monarchy in the palace and republic in Singh Durbar is working side by side under a broad framework.

Even within the alliance of ruling SPA, some leaders agreed to sign all the agreements but they enjoyed complete freedom to criticize them at the extent of terming others as quisling.

Leader of the United Left Front C.P. Mainali and leader of Nepal Peasant and Worker Party Narayan Man Bijukcche have already set the examples. There is hardcore unity in seven parties, which tolerates its dissenters to speak ill against its programs and create confusions in the people regarding their nationalist credentials and political honesty.

“From 12 points agreement to recent agreement signed with Madhesi groups, three major parties in alliance worked under the guideline of India. Under the disguise of bulk recruitment in the army, India wants to infiltrate its trained army into Nepali Army,” said Narayan Man Bijukche in his interview in Samaya weekly.

CP Mainali writes Nepal is in the process of Victimization and Humanization. "In the name of federal state with the right to self determination, India is trying to break terai and absorb it into its own territory,” said Mainali to Samaya weekly.

Despite their public opposition at the agreements, Bijukchhe and Mainali signed all these agreements sharing all the constitutional and power dividend of seven-party alliance. These two leaders, who are trying to give different postures accusing leaders of three main parties, still join the meetings of SPA without any hesitation.

Members of same caravan are telling the people their just opposite destination in the journey.

There is a combination of left with right and right with left. The center to the left and center to the right, too, have joined either side without any hesitation. There is no basic for politics, which is neck-deep in contradictions.

Courtesy: Spotlight

(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to editors@mos.com.np)

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