People-centric and result-driven foreign policy
Gone are the days when foreign policy would enjoy an aura of exclusivity and was used as a tool to service the needs of the then rulers. It is no longer so. In future, it is bound to undergo even more intense public debates and discussions. A foreign policy that is incapable of addressing national needs and concerns is sure to face increased public opprobrium.
By Gopal Thapa
Undoubtedly, protection, preservation and promotion of supreme national interests with a desire of promoting greater good and overall well- being of people are, among others, the core foreign policy objectives of every country, including Nepal. These are, in other words, the elements of “continuity”, which are and should remain as the central features of our foreign policy. Simultaneously, popular hopes and aspirations expressed through Janaandolan-2 must find a clear resonance in the new foreign policy framework. The following could be some of the issues to be factored into the policy reform exercises.
Of late, public awareness of, and understanding about, foreign policy issues have grown beyond our beliefs. Consequently, the clamour for pro-people and development-friendly foreign policy is amplifying by the day. Informed public are demanding results and tangible benefits. Gone are the days when foreign policy would enjoy an aura of exclusivity and was used as a tool to service the needs of the then rulers. It is no longer so. In future, it is bound to undergo even more intense public debates and discussions. A foreign policy that is incapable of addressing national needs and concerns is sure to face increased public opprobrium.
In the current situation, the needs for garnering international support and assistance have never been greater for Nepal; there is an acute need for rebuilding and reconstructing new and old infrastructures, rehabilitating displaced people to their original places of residence and healing the wounds inflicted by the decade-long conflict on the psyche of the nation and its people. Such a sweeping peace building efforts would require massive international support and assistance. This would obviously demand for developing a robust foreign policy framework, that is people centric, development friendly, result driven, inclusive and gender sensitive. Thus, in coming days, result not rhetoric, will be the measure of success of our diplomacy.
Clearly, comprehensive reform measures will have to be undertaken at the political, administrative, and institutional levels in order to achieve the desired results. First, the need to forge national consensus among the major political parties on core foreign policy issues is absolutely crucial. Such a consensus paves the way for the pursuit of an effective and result- oriented foreign policy. We need not go far enough to seek the example. We can take a leaf out of the book from Indian political parties. They may seem pulling at different directions on domestic issues, but when it comes to vital foreign policy issues their views always converge.
Strong political leadership, dynamic foreign ministry enjoying greater operational freedom and backed by staff with high degree of professionalism, accountability and integrity are other important conditions of reforms. The need to maintain and uphold institutional cohesiveness and unity within the Ministry is also of paramount importance. Institutions, where healthy professional and intellectual rivalries are replaced by increased politicisation and where bringing skeleton in the closet over puerile personal issues are allowed to go with impunity, tend to suffer from professional, moral and intellectual atrophies. At least, the Foreign Ministry, the main instrument of foreign policy execution for the government must not be allowed to be the victim of politicisation and to grow as a place for character assassination and witch hunting over personal interests. Sure enough, a Foreign Ministry lacking, professionalism, accountability and unity among its staff is bound to lose institutional efficiency and effectiveness. So enhancing moral and professional integrity, accountability, objective and merit based and predictable carrier plan of staff should remain at the hearts of reforms in the MOFA.
Appointment of ambassadors involves another area of important reform. Professionalism, diplomatic skill which can be acquired through training and experience seem to be the basic criterion in such appointments, if we take a look at the international practice as a guide. We can see that a great majority of ambassadors happen to be career diplomats picked and chosen from the senior foreign ministry officers. This is the case in most of the countries in our own region in South Asia also. Unfortunately, we are one of the countries that offer the unique exception. Amazingly, we have more novice and diplomatic greenhorns appointed ambassadors at the expense and to the exclusion of career diplomats. Career diplomats are preferred for such appointments due, mainly, to the fact that they have been trained for that very objective. Governments make enormous investment in them; during their long spanning diplomatic career, they have the benefits of long and sustained diplomatic exposures at home and at their missions abroad. They get more opportunity for participation in multilateral and bilateral negotiations, seminars, training and workshops. Such opportunities do help them sharpen their intellectual competences, enhance their ability of articulation, hone their knowledge about diplomatic protocols and decorum and augment their ability to provide analytical skill on international economic, social and other topical issues. These are, among others, the proven attributes that set them apart from the rest and make them eminently qualify to represent their country as diplomats.
Appointing a great number of ambassadors from outside at the cost of long serving, seasoned and competent career diplomats, as is the case in Nepal right now, would thus be tantamount to throwing down the drains the huge investment of meager resources that the government has made over the years on career diplomats. Such a practice, if allowed to continue will have a deleterious effect on their morale, self confidence and integrity. Needless to say, it is unthinkable to achieve the stated foreign policy goals with a highly demoralised diplomatic workforce. Similarly, while appointing Ambassadors from career diplomats, the government needs to do justice to those recently retired joint secretaries from Foreign Ministry who have unfortunately failed to get ambassadorial assignments during their entire service periods. Not to take advantage of their long experience, creativity, professionalism and ability to contribute would be considered a big loss of the huge investment made in them by a resource-crunched country like ours.
Of course, this is not to undervalue the intellectual competence and qualities of people other than those of the Foreign Ministry. There is no dearth of such intellectually enlightened people outside. But, unlike the seasoned career diplomats, they lack diplomatic exposures and experience to better qualify for such senior diplomatic assignments. Nevertheless, in a country like ours, the need to balance and accommodate the interests of various interest groups even in such appointments cannot, and should not, be overlooked. But the number of such appointments should be kept as minimal as possible.
However, it is heartening to note the post Janaandolan-2 period governments have made some important and welcome decisions on the issue of foreign policy reform. Formation of a “high-level foreign policy task force” under the convenorship of Murari Raj Sharma, former Foreign Secretary, appointment of a fulltime Foreign Minister from then on, creation of a separate Foreign Service and opening of a total of seven new diplomatic Missions abroad, including the recent decision to open new Missions could be construed as steps in the right direction.
The government may take into account the recommendation of the “Murari Raj Sharma Report” in the appointment of Ambassadors. The report has recommended that fifty percent of ambassadors be taken from the MOFA career diplomats; and the remaining fifty percent from outside. Therefore, the government may consider appointing fifty percent of ambassadors from the current and recently retired joint secretaries of the MOFA to make the process representative, fair and justifiable even among the career diplomats; and for the rest fifty percent, they could be drawn from cross-section of intellectuals, academicians and experts on international relations from outside. This would be the best option to achieve justice, fairness and balance and also to set right the current anomalies and imbalances in such appointments. Currently, out of the 25 ambassadorial appointments, only 7 of them are the career diplomats; the rest 18 are, or were proposed, from outside. There are none from the recently retired career diplomats from the MOFA.
It is hoped that coming days will see more concrete reforms being put in place, keeping in mind the pressing needs of reform, and also taking into account the recommendations contained in the report of the task force. Reform is not an event; it is a process. It is hoped, therefore, that the reform process rolled into motion would continue so as to bring the Foreign Ministry rapidly in step with the changing needs and reality of our time.
(Thapa is a former Chief of Protocol, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Email: bhimsen29@gmail.com)
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