It’s people not systems that matter
After only two years of Jana Andolan II, our country seems to be entering once again an era of unprincipled and narrow, partisan politics. Instead of trying to address grave constitutional, economic, and social problems facing the country, the principle political actors seem to be entirely motivated by their personal ambitions, and narrow party-political considerations, and willingness to do any kind of political u-turns to further their narrow aims.
By Puran Agrawal
The recent inauguration of a new interim government after just nine months of the previous government taking office following a fairly peaceful and fair CA election amidst bitter acrimony, accusations and counteraccusations, and name callings cannot but remind one of a slightly older generation like me of the gutter politics of yesteryear, those of the 1950s and 1990s. In each case the people of Nepal were offered a democratic choice and very high hopes following a relatively peaceful political change. In each case, however, those hopes were dashed and the country plunged into political instability followed by a dictatorial rule. Further, in each case we had a new constitutional dispensation, and promises and commitments by the politicians to set aside their narrow political differences and interests and work together for the good of the country and the people.
After only two years of Jana Andolan II, our country seems to be entering once again an era of unprincipled and narrow, partisan politics. Instead of trying to address grave constitutional, economic, and social problems facing the country, the principle political actors seem to be entirely motivated by their personal ambitions, and narrow party-political considerations, and willingness to do any kind of political u-turns to further their narrow aims. Here are some examples. The leadership of the CPN-UML were a willing partner with the UCPN (Maoist) until very recently when they were presented an opportunity by the Maoist leadership to make a bid for power. Their representatives in the Government seem to have concurred with the Dahal’s cabinet decision to sack the Chief of Army Staff (CoAS), Rookmangud Katuwal, while their leadership outside the government opposed it. They even seemed to have, at least tacitly, agreed with the Maoist leadership that the decision of the President to reinstate the CoAS was against the interim constitution.
The UCPN (Maoist) leadership, to take another example, contrary to their commitment to engage in consensus politics before they came into power and forgetting the main task (that of framing the new constitution) they were entrusted with, began imposing very contentious decisions on the country ignoring not only the views of the Nepali Congress and other parties outside the Government but also their coalition partners. Even more blatant shamefacedly, they, who were put in office with at least the tacit blessing of India, began accusing all those who opposed them being agents of foreign power (read India). I am reminded of the late King Mahendra, who, whenever faced with any serious problem or opposition at home or abroad, played the anti-India (and anti-Western) card to escape. All Nepalis are well acquainted with the chequered history of Nepali Congress even though in the current situation its leadership has slightly cleaner hands than the other two for the simple reason that it remained outside the earlier previous government. Further, its opposition to the sacking of the CoAS and support for the President’s decision to reinstate him, and its willingness for these two contentious issues to be decided by the Supreme Court can only be commended.
For any democratic political system to work effectively in the interests of the people and country two requirements must be met. Firstly, there must be proper constitutional and political structures. It is, therefore, necessary that our country has a new constitution that will meet the needs of the new circumstances the country is in and cater for the legitimate hopes and aspirations of the various stakeholders. Some form of federalism must be an intrinsic feature of the new constitution. But, as the recent controversy over and diverse demands for very opposing federal structures show, unless the political and other leaders, who are entrusted with the task of devising the right structure, are genuinely guided by the long term interest of the country and the people, first, it is highly unlikely that a structure that is appropriate for the long-term interests of the country can be devised, and, second, even if, such a structure were, per impossible, agreed, it can be implemented without endangering the long-term survival, security and well-being of the country.
The recent political turmoil in the UK provides a good example of how long-standing and hitherto normally functioning structures and rules can be circumvented by those who exercise power. Further, even a cursory glance over the long history of the democratic tradition of the country like the UK and USA will show that any kind of system, structure, procedure, etc. can be corrupted by those in power. Major political, social and other reforms in these countries did not happen simply because the right constitutional and political structure were put in place but because there were enough of the politicians with power and influence who were genuinely motivated by a sense of public calling and interests of their country and the people. It took another hundred years in the USA, for example, for discrimination against the blacks and other minorities in the public life to be removed after the end of the American Civil War when slavery and discrimination was formally outlawed.
I refrain from offering any specific advice or suggestion because such an advice is easily available in the Nepali media including Nepalnews.com. What I want to do, however, is to make a plea to our political masters in whose hands the destiny of our country and people rests. I speak on behalf of the majority of Nepali people when I say that we are very disillusioned so far with your performance. Unless you, therefore, change your whole narrow ideological and party-political outlook and priorities, not only we, the people, will go on suffering in myriad ways, but the future of our country will be at risk. This is very probably the last chance we have of not only becoming a genuinely democratic country and thereby joining the comity of democratic nations but surviving as a single country. Our whole future, therefore, is in your hands. Would you be able to surprise us, for once, in the history of our country, by setting aside your narrow interests and working together for the long-tern good of the country and the people?
(Author’s email: Puranni@yahoo.co.uk)
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