VOL. 05, NO. 09, November 11, 2011 (Kartik 25, 2068)

No doubt, the Nepali politics will not be the same after the recent ‘breakthrough’ deal. It is set to take a new course. But it is tooearly to hope for the miracle that some are hoping will occur. A new dawn is still far away.

By A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT

Ten days after he met his Indian counterpart, in Delhi, a shaky prime minister Baburam Bhattarai was rewarded with “the most important”achievement of his two months in office. The ‘breakthrough’ in the peace process.

Ten days after the ‘landmark’ three-party agreement, nodded at the last minute by the fourth party – the Madhesi front – a confident Bhattarai is set to see his Indian counterpart, again, in the Maldivian capital of Male.

Suddenly euphoria has set in, in an otherwise gloomy air of political transition. There have been claims, not necessarily wrongly, that the faltering peace process has been brought back to the track.

A time-table has been agreed upon to resolve the vexing issue of Maoist combatants or the disarming of the former rebels. This is expected to clear way for the parties to justify a fresh move to extend the tenure of the Constituent Assembly.

Maoist Leaders Baidya and Badal

The parties hope to come up with a draft statute in the extended tenure and ready themselves for parliamentary elections.

The swiftness with which the events did unfold over the past few days has been so dramatic that there have also been concerns whether it will fold up equally dramatically.

Prime minister Bhattarai is confident, so is his party boss, Prachanda. That confidence was the reason both chose to leave for abroad soon after the ‘breakthrough’ deal.

Bhattarai headed to the Maldives to take part in the pre-scheduled summit meeting of the South Asian regional cooperation organization (SAARC). Prachanda left for the United States to discuss the development of Lumbini with the UN officials in New York, under a schedule decided only a few days ago.

Back home, eyebrows have been raised over the absence of two key actors during the crucial implementation phase of the ‘breakthrough’ deal.

But the other key actors are not as worried. The Nepali Congress president Sushil Koirala and the UML chairman Jhalanath Khanal say, the peace process has come on track.

The reasons are obvious. Both are looking forward to a national unity government of which the two parties would be a part. Once the peace process gets completed in less than a month’s time –  ahead of the CA’s deadline.

Koirala has a dream beyond. Under a gentleman’s agreement, he has been assured of the top executive office to lead the country to parliamentary elections under the new constitution.

Whether prime minister Bhattarai will opt to vacate the office for Koirala by that time is a different matter altogether. Nepali politics has never been free of mistrust and sabotage.

Bhattarai is already an emboldened man. The man he faced the immediate and the most serious threat from has been forced to restrain his ambition – for now.

Signing Seven Point Deal

After failing to win back the trust of the influential – at times decisive – powers, Prachanda has discounted speculations that he aspired to replace Bhattarai to head the national government. But it is difficult to expect Prachanda cool his heels even as Bhattarai goes on to consolidate his position in the party.

He may have publicly declared that the next goal for him is executive president of prime minister in the newly elected parliament, but it will be naïve to expect him sit relaxed till then even as Bhattarai rides on his shoulders and walks away with all accolades.

No doubt, the Nepali politics will not be the same after the recent ‘breakthrough’ deal. It is set to take a new course. But it is too early to hope for the miracle that some are hoping will occur.

A new dawn of peace, stability and prosperity is still far away. Mutual mistrust still runs deep in Nepali politics. The lust for power even during the critical transition has not gone away. The domestic actors continue to be reduced to side-watchers as the outsiders dictate the course of events.

There had been many instances when things flattered to deceive. There is no guarantee yet if the history does not repeat itself.

1. Integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants

a) Existing records of the Maoist combatants residing in cantonments will be updated.

b) The number of the Maoist combatants to be integrated will be 6,500 at the maximum. Integration will be done under a directorate of Nepal Army and 65 percent of the personnel of the directorate will come from Nepal Army while remaining 35 percent from the Maoist combatants. The directorate will have the mandate of carrying out development related activities, forest conservation, industrial security and crisis management.

c) Combatants of the Maoist army opting for integration will have to meet the standard norms of the security agency on an individual basis. However, the existing recruitment policy on age bar, educational requirements and marital status will be made flexible. In this regard, one level in the educational requirements fixed for a specific post of the security agency will be relaxed. Similarly, age bar has also been relaxed up to three years of the maximum age set for entry into the security agency.

d) The rank harmonization of the Maoist army opting for integration will be done as per the standard of the security agency. Integration of the Maoist combatants into the security agency will be done in such a way that it does not bring any negative consequences in the career development of existing officers and other ranks.

e) Maoist combatants opting for integration will get responsibilities in the security agency after completing bridge course and training.

f) All the weapons stored in cantonments will automatically come under the government´s ownership once the process of integration begins.

2. Rehabilitation of Maoists combatants

a) An alternative package of education, training and vocational opportunity will be provided to combatants opting for rehabilitation. Depending on the nature and timeframe, the cost of the package will vary from Rs 600,000 to Rs 900,000.

b) Depending upon their responsibilities, the combatants opting for voluntary retirement and cash instead of the package will be categorized into four levels and those falling in the highest category will get Rs 800,000 while remaining three levels in the descending order will get Rs 700,000, Rs 600,000 and Rs 500,000 respectively. The amount will be made available in two tranches in two fiscal years. A formal decision to this effect will be made at a meeting of the Special Committee within two days.

3. Group division

The task of dividing the combatants opting for integration and those for rehabilitation will begin after the Special Committee takes a procedural decision in this regard within seven days and will be completed by Nov 23.

4. Formation of commissions as agreed earlier

a) As per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the bill on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the Commission to Investigate Forced Disappearances would be endorsed by parliament after building consensus in the spirit of reconciliation. These commissions would be formed within a month.

b) The legal cases of the conflict era would be looked into as per the letter and spirit of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Interim Constitution, 2007.

5. Relief packages for the conflict victims

Relief packages would be made available without discrimination to the kin of those killed and disappeared, maimed, displaced and those whose properties were damaged in the armed conflict. The relief packages to be distributed after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement would be provided equally and without discrimination.

6. Implementation of past agreements and building an environment of trust

a) The UCPN (Maoist) would take an official decision to return the private and public properties seized by the party during the armed conflict to the rightful owners for their use by Nov 23. Due compensations would be paid to the owners for the loss caused by the seizure of properties.

b) The rights of the peasants would be guaranteed as per the letter and spirit of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, Interim Constitution 2007, and scientific land reforms.

c) The paramilitary structure of the YCL would be dismantled, while all the public and private properties seized by the YCL would be returned to the rightful organizations and individuals by Nov 23.

d) Vehicles used by the Maoists and recorded at the Transport Management Department as per the earlier agreement would be regulated as per the existing rules and regulations by Nov 23. Unregistered vehicles would be seized.

e) The local administration would monitor - and enforce if necessary -- the implementation of the agreement on returning the seized properties to the rightful owners. The political parties should cooperate with the government for its implementation.

7. Constitution writing and national consensus government

a) In order to take the ongoing peace process to a logical end and to complete the task of writing a constitution, the ongoing dialogues among the political parties will be continued. For that, a high level political mechanism will be formed.

b) The process of writing the new constitution will be accelerated. In order to make recommendations on state restructuring, a team of experts will be formed immediately on the basis of consensus in Constituent Assembly and the process of formulating a draft of the new constitution will be initiated within a month.

c) In line with the progress made in the peace process and constitution writing, the process of formulating a national consensus government will move ahead.

Sources: newspapers