A revolution or a struggle for freedom alone does not set the country on the road to democracy

-Jiveshwor Lal Shrestha (Lakhey), Biratnagar

He hails from Biratnagar-a town in Eastern Nepal which offered six or seven Prime Ministers to this country. Biratnagar is known as a seat of learning as well.

He is a Political Analyst basically and a journalist as well. He began his career in journalism as a correspondent of The Motherland Daily.

He has recently retired from the post of a Reader, and had been teaching political science since decades to the students of Mahendra Morang Multiple Campus in Biratnagar.

Shri Jiveshwor Lal Shrestha (Lakhey) was Campus Chief in Mechi Campus from 1976 to 1978; was a lecturer at Mechi Maha Vidyalaya, Bhadrapur from 1965 to 1966; was the Head Master of Janta High School and Janta Adult Night School, Biratnagar and also the Head Master of Sraswati High School based in Duhabi.

Mr. Lakhey has participated in various national and international level seminars and workshops.

He has written various thought provoking articles on, for example, The Sophist; Problems of Town Panchayats in Nepal; Constitutional Development of Nepal and Present Constitution and Political Parties in Nepal.

He at the moment is the President of Biratnagar Press Club that has the singular distinction of receiving various Ambassadors of different countries as and when they drop in Biratnagar.

He is also a Lawyer of national repute and prefers to participate in contemporary political debates.

Last week when I was in Biratnagar, I approached him for an exclusive tête-à-tête to which he readily agreed. Below the results -Chief editor.

TGQ1: Within twelve years plus of Nepal's new order witnessed the split of practically all major political parties of the country including the Nepali Congress. You Mr. Lakhey as a political analyst see such splits? Is it s normal phenomenon in transitional democracies or is caused by extraneous forces? Your remarks please!

Mr. Lakhe: A revolution or a struggle for freedom alone does not set the country on the road to democracy. Democracy always works in line with a country's political culture. Whether we name our political system as partyless or multiparty makes no difference unless we free ourselves from past bondage and legacies.

We still possess, in actual practice "master-slave" or "employer-employee" relationship. The head of an organization or the leader of a political party acts like a boss whose orders must be obeyed by the supporters and the followers. It is this traditional attitude which is causing both vertical and horizontal cleavages in all organizations and institutions including political parties which dominate all others.

Values and ideologies are supposed to be the basis reasons for the split of political parties in transitional democracies. Fifty years or more, from 1951-2002 AD, are enough time to flourish democracy in Nepali soil. During this period many countries had achieved spectacular strides in economic and other aspects of national development. But we could not do so due to internal strife for political issues. The present political system is at stake. We are deeply plagued in the quagmire of internal disturbances just to resettle it. When a nation is internally divided, external forces may take advantages according to their likes and dislikes.

TGQ2: Nepali monarch is talked to have gained much politically after his fresh trips to neighboring India and China. Does this mean that the monarch could intervene in the Nepali politics should the existing political chaos continue till the November 13 elections? Do you see any chances of King's intervention on the "wishes of the people"? Your opinions please!

Mr. Lakhe: It is the sagacity and prudence of His Majesty that King Gyanendra paid simultaneously Royal visits to neighboring friendly countries-India and China. Of course, the royal vists have been successful more than expected. These visits have paved the ways to know each other through free exchange of views on many bilateral matters particularly on complete two issues of political character and areas of economic cooperation for the development and welfare of Nepali people.

However, it does not mean that His Majesty the King may intervene in the political chaos simply on the pretext of the "wishes of the people", when His Majesty had already promised that He would continue the legacy of the late King Birendra-the beloved king of the Nepali people. Moreover, the term "the wishes of the people" is a very vague concept. A question immediately arises, "which public opinion"? and one has to supply qualified answer for mass consumption or satisfaction. Does it mean the vote secured by NC or UML or even the RPP or the NSP or other small political parties or the opinion of the party which has drifted from main political stream or all combined together?

The monarchy is the only singular political institution that we have. It is older than political parties, modern institutions like the council of ministers, the parliament, the judiciary, and the professional interest groups. The monarchy has vastly accumulated experiences in the royal storage beginning from absolute monarchy to present constitutional monarcy-1769-2002- more than two centuries. The experiences of the political parties do not exceed more than 50 to 60 years and other agencies are of recent origin. Viewingly the Nepali monarch is a titular head and His Majesty's position is like that of the British Queen and the Indian president. But the 1990 constitution of Nepal confers on Him enormous powers. If so desired, He can exercise those authorities without any restraints specially vide Articles 27, 31 and 127. But it is worth considering that he should act like "Benevolent Monarch" and performed the role that has been prescribed by Begehot to the British Monarch-"the right to be consulted, right to encourage and the right to warn" like the referee, a judge, when political actors play their sport wrongly. A judicious King alone becomes the popular monarch. He represents all and all are his citizens.

TGQ3: Talks with the Maoists have taken a back seat. The Maoists have threatened to disturb the elections. The congress-K apparently is seen close to the Maoists views. The government says it would conduct elections at any cost. The population in the process is overly confused. How you Mr. Lakhe see the impending political scenario? Will it take a positive turn or otherwise?

Mr. Lakhe: Our political leaders are at present standing at a very shaky foundation or say junction from where they are issuing statements solely aiming at elections with their ulterior motives. By this time, friends have turned foes and foes in turn have become friends. This proves that all political parties have their own accesses with the Maoists. As such, some are conjuring the view that the election is impossible without including the participation of the Maoists and others are demanding that a free and fair election should be held. The government is vouching its promise that the election will take place on fixed date. If unpleasing incidents do not come up election will take place and the result will be surprisingly unexpected.

But the nearer we approach to due election, greater will be the confusion and tension in the society. To conduct free and fair election, the government has to ensure the conducive atmosphere by clamping down the emergency and permitting full exercise of fundamental rights as the primary condition. Secondly, both the government and the insurgents simultaneously announce date of cease-fire to end hostilities. Thirdly, a round table conference be immediately summoned where all concerned parties, the government, the political parties, the insurgents, the professional groups should participate in the discussion to arrive at certain minimum acceptable conclusions for the larger interest of the people and the nation. The left-overs in the discussions should be left for the new parliament. Let this arrangement take place before festivals like Dashain and Tihar begin. This way we can create a positive atmosphere for ensuring free and fair elections.

TGQ4: You belong to Biratnagar where Koirala's still count. With the forced expulsion of G.P.Koirala from Congress party, how do you and the rest of the Biratnagarites have taken this dramatic expulsion?

Mr. Lakhe: It is my pleasure and privilege to be a resident of Biratnagar which happens to be th home town of many noted political activists, industrial magnets, business luminaries, literary figures and social workers of national and international repute. I feel equally ashamed of when any one of its residents earns a bad name.

Although the Koirala's count too much in both local and national arena and personally I pay regards to most of them. However, the expulsion of G.P.Koirala as the president of the Nepali Congress is a matter exclusively concerned to his party alone.

Mostly, all organization including political parties functioning in Nepal suffers from same deficiencies. The Peters of NC have taken bold steps to defy their Grand Master to keep home neat and clean. To quote a proverb, "as a candle enkindles another nor grows less so nobleness enkindles nobleness". Let us give due opportunities to all keeping in view that divided we fall and united we stand.

TGQ5: The unexpected vertical split in the congress is supposed to have politically benefited the UML and the RPP. The UML claims the next government to be theirs. Do you consider that it would be that easy for the UML to bag victory as expected by the party? How would you take this?

Mr. Lakhe: It is but natural for an opposition party to feel strong when its gallant adversary becomes weak or its house is disorganised and divided. I see a very bleak chance of election unless conducive conditions is not ensured as mentioned in reply to question number three. As the government is still holding the stiff and stern attitude against the insurgents, I doubt the elections being held on time as claimed by government authorities. Article 127 of the 1990 constitution may come into operation, which may then create difficult situation, and the election may prolong.

Whatever may be the situation, it has been proved beyond doubt that the present constitution could not accommodate all the section and opinions of the Nepali society. It needs suitable amendments to make it all embracing. All our previous constitution including the present one were the handi-works of the commissions recommended by the council of ministers of that time and of course, promulgated by His Majesty the King. Let the new parliament should amend the constitution if the Constituent Assembly does not get honor to frame the new constitution for the nation. I would like to reserve my rights to suggest amendments till that appointed day come.

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